The Life and Death of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

(March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975) was a Bengali politician and the founding leader of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, generally considered in the country as the father of the Bangladeshi nation. He headed the Awami League, served as the first President of Bangladesh and later became its Prime Minister. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (বঙ্গবন্ধু Bôngobondhu, "Friend of Bengal"). His eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh.

A student political leader, Mujib rose in East Pakistani politics and within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate of socialism, Mujib became popular for his leadership against the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis. He demanded increased provincial autonomy, and became a fierce opponent of the military rule ofAyub Khan. At the heightening of sectional tensions, Mujib outlined a 6-point autonomy plan, which was seen as separatism in West Pakistan. He was tried in 1968 for allegedly conspiring with the Indian government but was not found guilty. Despite leading his party to a major victory in the 1970 elections, Mujib was not invited to form the government.

The Life and Death of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

SHEIKH MUJIB: TRIUMPH AND TRAGEDY
By S. A. Karim.

This, surprisingly, is the first biography in English of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of Bangladesh, even though more 30 years have passed since he was assassinated in a bloody military coup on August 15, 1975. Known to most Bangladeshis as Bangabandhu, or friend of Bengal, a title bestowed on him by acclamation in a mammoth public meeting in Dhaka on 22 February, 1969, he was truly a man of the people, someone who had made the cause of his countrymen and women his own through endless trials and tribulations. And yet he had been assassinated in the country he had championed ceaselessly soon after it became independent. Also, he had disillusioned quite a few people in record time in governing it. How did he win the hearts of his people as “the father of the nation” and secure a place in their history as Gandhi did in India or Jinnah did in Pakistan? What caused him to slide in their esteem? But also, what was he like as a human being as well as a leader? And now that three decades have passed since his death, is it possible to arrive at a real estimate of the man and his achievements?

It is to S. A. Karim’s credit that he has tried to raise these questions implicitly and explicitly and answer them succinctly and objectively in his biography, Sheikh Mujib: Triumph and Tragedy. Drawing on published sources, a few interviews with people who knew Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his own encounters with him as the first Foreign Secretary of independent Bangladesh, Karim has striven to give a balanced, accurate, and thoughtful portrait of the man. His conclusion is that he was a leader whose triumph was on a heroic scale but whose ending was, at the very least, tragic.

Karim begin his biography by providing us with the background to Mujib’s rise to fame, the partition of India, and the rise of the Muslim League. He was barely twenty years old in 1941 when he first encountered Fazlul Haq, the Chief Minister of Bengal, and more importantly, Shahid Suhrawardy, the Minister of Commerce, when they visited Mujib’s hometown Gopalganj, then in the district of Faridpur, for a public meeting. He was immediately drawn to Suhrawardy’s brand of politics and Kolkata, where he became a student of Islamia College. Here he began to attract attention as a Muslim League activist, working indefatigably to rally Muslim students of the region to work for Suhrawardy’s faction of the party, which, ultimately, joined the movement for Pakistan. After partition, Mujib relocated to Dhaka, but found himself becoming increasingly alienated from the conservative politicians of the Muslim League who had arrogated power in East Pakistan. Inevitably, he became involved in the movement to establish Bengali as a state language of Pakistan, and the movement in turn led to the creation of the Awami Muslim League. Courting arrest repeatedly, and resorting to hunger strikes time and again when in prison, Mujib immediately became prominent in East Pakistan because of his continuous and principled opposition to the communal and feudal politics of the Muslim League. In quick time, he became the General Secretary of the increasingly secular Awami League (it dropped “Muslim” from its name in 1955), and a minister of the United Front government that drove the Muslim League from power in the provincial elections of 1954.

From this point onwards, there was no stopping Mujib, except by confinement in jail. As Pakistani politics more and more became the preserve of the military, as the military conspired with a few West and East Pakistani politicians and bureaucrats to deprive Pakistan of democracy, and as the numerically superior Bengalis of East Pakistan found themselves increasingly thrust out of power, Mujib was in the thick of the action to wrest back the rights of his people through a secular, organized, and democratic movement, even as a succession of military generals attempted to rule Pakistan through martial law. In and out of jail in the latter half of the 1950s and throughout the 1960s, Mujib became convinced that Pakistan was a dead end for his people and that a way out of the clutches of the military-bureaucratic coalition that was ruling Pakistan at this time was needed urgently.

In his desperation, Mujib even thought of seeking the help of India. Karim suggests that it could have been his admiration for Subhas Bose that led Mujib to take a secret trip to Agartala in January 1963 where he met Satindranath Sinha, the Chief Minister of Tripura, to see if Indian assistance would be forthcoming for a separatist movement. But according to Sinha, whom Karim quotes without citing the source, Nehru was not interested and the trip was inconsequential. It is ironic, then, that it was for a trip to Agartola that he never took that the Pakistani government would try him for treason in what has come to be known as the Agartola Conspiracy case in 1967. Unfortunately for them, the effort at concocting a conspiracy backfired, for not only were they unable to sustain their case in front of the special tribunal that was set up for the purpose, they were also forced to release Mujib in the face of increasingly violent agitation against them in both wings of Pakistan. Indeed, the Pakistani dictator of the period, Ayub Khan, was forced to resign, and Mujib left the jail triumphantly in 22 February 1969, widely acknowledged by this time in his part of Pakistan as the man most suited to lead it forward to autonomy and prosperity.

The next two years saw Mujib at his best: inspiring his people through fiery speeches in countless meetings, seemingly inexhaustible energy, and an indomitable will. He kept highlighting his party’s demand for complete autonomy in East Pakistan until the message went home: in the elections held in December, 1970, the Awami League won 167 of the 169 seats in the province. But Mujib, committed to negotiations through democratic channels, was mistaken in his assumption that the Pakistani generals and Zulfiquer Bhutto, the clear winner in West Pakistan, were going to hand over power to his party merely because it had a clear majority when it was bent on getting the maximum autonomy conceivable for East Pakistanis.

In fact, Yahya Khan, the general who replaced Ayub Khan, colluded with Bhutto to postpone the March 3, 1971 opening of the National Assembly. The result was a spontaneous and angry civil disobedience movement in East Pakistan which, in effect, negated the Pakistani state, making Mujib the de facto ruler of East Pakistan. As if to show that he was worthy of the part, Mujib gave what is undoubtedly his finest speech to his people on 7 March, stopping just short of independence, but claiming self-rule in almost all matters. Yahya Khan’s response, once again was to scheme with Bhutto, and make a show of negotiations, bent as they were on keeping West Pakistan dominant in deciding the future of Pakistan. And so Mujib and his party kept negotiating with Yahya and Bhutto in good faith, even as the Pakistani army prepared themselves for a crackdown that would decisively and brutally neutralize Mujib and his party and ensure perpetuation of their hegemonic rule.

The date in which the Pakistani army moved to destroy Mujib and thwart the Bengali desire for complete autonomy was the night of March 25. As far as Karim is concerned, Mujib and his party leaders had “ignored signs of the gathering storm” and thus an unsuspecting, unprepared people were brutalized, the movement for autonomy stunned, and Mujib himself captured. Here again Karim is critical of Mujib’s decision to let himself be arrested to deflect the Pakistan army from wrecking havoc in his country, Mujib, reportedly, told his followers who wanted him to flee, “If I leave my house (Pakistani) raiders are going to massacre the people of Dhaka. I don’t want my people to be killed on my account”, but his decision did not prevent genocide; on the contrary, it exposed his people to the wrath of the Pakistan army.

While the Pakistani army went on the rampage, Mujib himself was taken to prisons in West Pakistan where he underwent a trial at the end of which he was found guilty of trying to break up Pakistan and was awarded the sentence of death by hanging. Meanwhile, Bengali troops who had defected, political activists of various parties, and students and refugees who had fled to India came together to organize a guerilla campaign against the Pakistani army and to launch a war that would liberate their country. Inevitably, India was drawn into the conflict, and on December 16, 1971, the Pakistani army in East Pakistan surrendered in Dhaka to the combined Indian and Bangladesh forces. This was how Bangladesh was born after nine blood-soaked months. With the Pakistani army in disgrace, and Bhutto calling the cards, and in the face of international pressure, Mujib was released from jail and flown back to Dhaka via London in a RAF plane on 9 January 1972.

Mujib’s homecoming marked the most triumphant moment of his career as a politician who had worked steadfastly and whole-heartedly for his people. But the next few years saw him sliding in popularity and having a torrid time coping with the innumerable problems facing a poor nation that had been denuded for over two decades by the West Pakistanis and that had hemorrhaged steadily for nine months. The prescriptions that he got from his advisers in the Planning Commission, inclement weather conditions that led to a terrible famine in 1974, rising global oil prices, growing lawlessness, his unwillingness or disinclination to be firm with party men and women and relatives who were clamoring for benefits and sinecures, underground movements that appeared to be gathering momentum and threatening the state, all appeared to conspire to show Mujib as unable to cope with the responsibility of steering a nation from political independence to peace, stability, and prosperity.

The stage was set, in other words, for triumph to turn into tragedy. The man who had staked his life repeatedly for democracy now attempted to create a one party state, proscribe newspapers, and stifle dissent. A radical leader died mysteriously while in police custody. Members of Mujib’s extended family suddenly began to assume more and more power. People who had shown total devotion to him and Bangladesh like Tajuddin Ahmed was dropped and sycophants were promoted to important positions. The air in Dhaka was rife with rumors of conspiracies and coups but Mujib chose to ignore them, convinced that the people he loved and had been ready to die for would never harbor conspirators against him. And so it was that he rendered himself completely vulnerable and was murdered by some adventurous, resentful, and ambitious military men in the early hours of August 15, 1975.

Karim’s verdict on Mujib’s rise to fame and the darkening world in which he died and his assessment of his subject’s personality, career and contribution to Bangladesh is surely sound. His Mujib is a gracious and compassionate person, generous almost to a fault. His love for his people and willingness to sacrifice himself for them is never in doubt. He had more or less “single-handedly” spearheaded the movement for Bangladesh in its climactic phase and until his incarceration in 1971. And he had struggled to cope with extremely difficult situations the best he could till desperation forced him to adopt undemocratic measures. He was, in short, a “tragic hero” flawed and yet great and even grand.

S. A, Karim’s Sheikh Mujib: Triumph and Tragedy seems to have been written at leisure; the consequence is that it is even-paced, well-organized and sedate. He strives to be balanced and objective in his presentation and he writes out of a conviction that as a biographer he must be committed to presenting his subject truthfully and adequately. He has also tried to come up with a book that will be read by many and to that end he has decided not to overload it with “notes and references”.

It must be said though that Karim’s book is not the “comprehensive biography” he claims it to be in his Preface. For one thing, he spends far too much time sketching in the background and often loses sight of his subject in dealing with the historical contexts. At times, a few chapters might go by without any reference to Mujib and in scores of chapters he makes only a fleeting appearance. Indeed, one may occasionally even be mislead into thinking that one is reading a political history of Bangladesh where Mujib is the main actor and not his biography. Moreover, Karim appears to have not realized that a biographer’s task includes looking at archival material and contemporary newspaper reports and tracking down unpublished written sources as well as perusing published books and documents. He could have, for example, tried to include excerpts from the many speeches Mujib gave on public occasions that have been surely recorded in parliamentary proceedings; talked to his admirers, tracked his path to power doggedly instead of spending most of his time giving sketches of the political history of East Pakistan.

But what appears to be the singular defect of this biography is Karim’s reluctance to imagine himself into positions, crises and situations Mujib had to negotiate or to come close to his subject through what Keats had once characterized as “negative capability”. In his introduction to his incomparable biography of Samuel Johnson, James Boswell had claimed that the “more perfect mode of writing any man’s life” involved “not only relating all the most important events of it in order, but interweaving” it with the subject’s words and thought till “mankind are enabled to see him live”. In his conclusion, too, Boswell had felt with satisfaction that in his book the character of the great man had been “so developed “in the course of his work “that those who have honored it with a perusal, may be considered as well acquainted with him”. Karim follows Mujib from a great distance and almost never allows him to speak for himself. There is little or no effort to see Mujib from up close and there is definitely no attempt to get into his mind. The result is a biography that does not make us “see him live” and think and feel and this is a pity for by all accounts Mujib was a passionate, loving and caring man. Karim tries to make a virtue out of detachment and objectivity not realizing that what he needed to do was creatively represent the thoughts and emotions of a man who was overpowering because of his love for his people and conviction about what was right for them.

Nevertheless, there is a lot to be thankful for in Karim’s Sheikh Mujib: Triumph and Tragedy. At the very least, a sensible effort has been made to present the life of a great and generous even if flawed leader; surely others will now follow to give us a more intimate, imaginative, intensely realized and fuller portrait of the father of Bangladesh and the friend of all Bengalis everywhere. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman deserves no less!

May 21, 2006
Fakrul Alam is on leave from the University of Dhaka and now teaches English at East West University, Bangladesh.

Ziaur Rahman & His Dictatorship

১৯৩৬ সালের এই দিনে বগুড়া জেলার বাগমারা গ্রামে জন্মগ্রহণ করেন জিয়াউর রহমান -

১। যিনি সেনাবাহিনীতে চাকরিরত অবস্থায় ১৯৭১ সালে বিদ্রোহ করে চট্টগ্রামের কালুরঘাট বেতার কেন্দ্র থেকে ২৭ মার্চ বঙ্গবন্ধুর পক্ষে স্বাধীনতার ঘোষণা পাঠ করেন ।

২।যিনি মুক্তিযুদ্ধে সেক্টর ও ফোর্স অধিনায়ক ছিলেন যার বিরুদ্ধে মুজিবনগর সরকার/ সিইনসি ওসমানী শাস্তিমূ্লক ব্যবস্থা নেয় ।

৩।যিনি ১৯৭৫ সালে ঘাত-সংঘাতময় সময়ের এক দু্র্বোধ্য চরিত্র ছিলেন !

৪। যিনি ৭ নভেম্বর '৭৫ এ জাসদের বীরউত্তম কর্নেল তাহেরের [৩]পরিকল্পনা ও উদ্যোগে পরিচালিত কথিত সিপাহি জনতার অভ্যুত্থানে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের বীরসেনানি খালেদ-হায়দার-হুদার লাশের উপর রাষ্ট্রীয় ক্ষমতার কেন্দ্রবিন্দুতে অধিষ্ঠিত হন ২য় ফিল্ড রেজিমেন্টে ও ৪র্থ ইষ্ট বেঙ্গলের অফিসার ও সৈনিকদের প্রত্যক্ষ মদদে ।

৫। যিনি তাহেরের সাথে প্রথম দেখায় (৭ নভেম্বর '৭৫) তাকে আলিঙ্গন করে বলেন -"ইউ আর মাই ব্রাদার , ইউ আর মাই সেভার" । আর ক্ষমতার কেন্দ্রবিন্দুতে অধিষ্ঠিত হয়ে তাহের আর সিপাহিদের উপহার দেন ফাঁসি ।"Hang them by the neck till they are dead" -General Ziaur Rahman. বীরউত্তম তাহেরের ফাঁসি তদারকি করেন বীর উত্তম মীর শওকত ।

৫। বলা হয়, জিয়া তাহেরের সাথে বেঈমানি করেছেন । কথা সত্য কিন্তু জিয়া কার সাথে বেঈমানি করেননি ? বিধায়, জিয়ার পাওয়ারে আসার পাঁচ মাসের মধ্যেই কর্নেল রশিদ-কর্নেল ফারুক জিয়ার বিরুদ্ধে ক্যুর উদ্যোগ নেয় ।

৬। যার আমলে ১৯টি মতান্তরে ২০ টি ক্যু হয়েছে । পিয়ালের মতও আমিও মনে করি "আসলে ক্যুর জুজু তুলে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সামরিক অফিসারদের হত্যা এবং ফাঁসি দেওয়ার নীলনকশা ছিলো মাত্র।" তবে, শুধু "মুক্তিযোদ্ধা হত্যা" না বলে আমি বলব জিয়া তার নিরংকুশ ক্ষমতা বজায় রাখার স্বার্থে বিরুদ্ধ বা সম্ভাব্য শত্রুদের নির্মমভাবে হত্যা করেছেন । "He was a man who could kill with one hand &eat with the other"-A Zia colleague during the liberation war in Chittagong. আর জিয়ার এই সব গণহত্যায় তার ডান হাত ছিলেন জেনারেল মন্জুর বীরউত্তম ,মীর শওকত বীরউত্তম আর লেজেহুমো এরশাদ ।

৭। যিনি সেনাবাহিনীতে শৃঙ্খলা প্রতিষ্ঠা করেছিলেন এমন কথা জোরেশোরে বলা হয় যা একটি মিথ বৈ কিছু নয় ।

৮। যিনি সংবিধান থেকে 'ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতা'র উপরে কাঁচি চালিয়ে অন্তর্ভুক্ত করেন 'বিসমিল্লাহির রাহমানির রাহিম' মুলনীতি হিসেবে স্থাপন করেন - 'সর্বশক্তিমান আল্লাহর উপর আস্থা আর বিশ্বাস'কে। সংবিধানের ১২ নং অনুচ্ছেদের উচ্ছেদ করে ধর্মভিত্তিক রাজনীতি করার সুযোগ পুনঃ প্রতিষ্ঠিত করেন ।

৯। রাজাকারদের শুধু রাজনীতি করার অধিকারই দেননি তাদের মন্ত্রীসভায়ও স্থান দেন । আন্তর্জাতিক রাজাকার শাহ আজিজকে বানান প্রধানমন্ত্রী । আরেক রাজাকার মওলানা আবু জাফর মোহাম্মদ সালেহ (শর্ষিণার পীর সাহেব)কে স্বাধীনতা পদক দিয়েছেন ।

১০। মুজিব হত্যায় তিনি জড়িত ছিলেন কিনা সেই প্রশ্নে না গিয়েও বলা যায় তিনি আগে থেকে জানতেন কিন্তু ঠেকাতে চাননি এবং পাওয়ারে এসেও তাদের বিচারের সম্মুখীন তো করেননি বরং বিচারের পথই রুদ্ধ করেন । হত্যার রাজনীতি যে ভাল নয় তা' স্বয়ং জিয়া নিজের জীবন দিয়ে প্রমান করেন । ৩০ শে মে ১৯৮১ , রোজ শনিবার , ভোর সাড়ে চারটা , চিটাগাং সার্কিট হাউজ । বর্ষন শ্রান্ত রজনীর শেষ প্রহর , চট্রগ্রামবাসীদের চকিত শংকিত করে জেগে উঠল নৈশ স্তব্ধতা ভঙ্গকারী গোলাগুলির শব্দ । সার্কিট হাউজ চত্বর ভরে গেল ধোয়া আর বারুদের গন্ধে । সার্কিট হাউজে ঘুমিয়েছিলেন তিনি ।গোলাগুলির শব্দে উঠে বসলেন । কি ব্যাপার ? ঘটনা প্রত্যক্ষ করতে বেরিয়ে এলেন দরজা খুলে , পরনে রাতে শয্যার পোষাক । গভীর আত্মপ্রত্যয় আর অগাধ আস্থা নিয়ে বেরিয়ে এলেন ।

কি চাও তোমরা? কাছে দন্ডায়মান লে. মোসলেহউদ্দিন রীতিমত ঘাবরে যান । সে জিয়াকে আশ্বস্ত করে-‘‘স্যার আপনি ঘাবরাবেন না । এখানে ভয়ের কিছু নেই ।’’ মোসলেহউদ্দিনের ঠোট থেকে জিয়ার প্রতি আশ্বাসবানী মিলিয়ে যাবার আগেই লে. কর্নেল মতিউর রহমান তার এসএমজি থেকে অতি কাছ থেকে ব্রাশ ফায়ার করেন জিয়ার শরীরের ডানদিক একেবারে ঝাঝরা করে ফেলে । দরজার কাছেই মুখ থুবরে মেঝেতে লুটিয়ে পড়েন জিয়া ।

লেখার ইতি টানছি জিয়াকে নিয়ে প্রফেসর আহমদ শরীফ স্যারের মূল্যায়ন দিয়েঃ

"জিয়া ছিলেন যুগপৎ ধূর্ত কপট প্রতারক ষড়যন্ত্রকারী।….এমন অমানুষ সত্যি দুর্লভ "

রেফারেন্সঃ

১। http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/95814/

২। http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/73858/

৩।http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/6290/

৪।http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/33928/

৫। http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/96183/

৬। Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood, by Anthony Mascarenhas, Hodder and Stoughton, 1986

৭। প্রাগুক্ত

৮।http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/96432/

৯। Anthony Mascarenhas, প্রাগুক্ত

১০।http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/96511/

১১।http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/95745/

১২।http://omipial.amarblog.com/posts/88171/

১৩।http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indemnity_Act

১৪।http://nmanik.amarblog.com/posts/107649/

বিচারের আগেই তাহেরকে ফাঁসিতে ঝোলানোর সিদ্ধান্ত ছিল জিয়ার, এই বিচার অসাংবিধানিক ও রাষ্ট্রীয় অপরাধ ----

কালের কণ্ঠ

সামরিক ট্রাইব্যুনালে কথিত বিচারের আগেই জিয়াউর রহমান ব্যক্তিগতভাবে লে. কর্নেল এম এ তাহেরকে ফাঁসিতে ঝোলানোর সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছিলেন। এ কারণে ক্যাঙ্গারু আদালতে সাজানো বিচার করে তড়িঘড়ি ফাঁসি কার্যকর করা হয়। কর্নেল তাহেরসহ অন্যদের বিচার ছিল একটি অসাংবিধানিক ব্যবস্থা। এটি একটি রাষ্ট্রীয় অপরাধ।

এসব কথা লিখিতভাবে হাইকোর্টকে জানিয়েছেন হংকং থেকে প্রকাশিত ফার ইস্টার্ন ইকোনমিক রিভিউর দক্ষিণ এশিয়াবিষয়ক সাবেক প্রতিনিধি লরেন্স লিফশুলজ। জিয়াউর রহমানের এ পরিকল্পনার কথা তাঁকে জানিয়েছিলেন সেনাবাহিনীর উচ্চপদস্থ কর্মকর্তা সেইসময়কার মেজর জেনারেল মোহাম্মদ মঞ্জুর। লিফশুলজের এ লিখিত বক্তব্য গতকাল বৃহস্পতিবার বিচারপতি এ এইচ এম শামসুদ্দিন চৌধুরী ও বিচারপতি শেখ মোহাম্মদ জাকির হোসেনের বেঞ্চে উপস্থাপন করেন অতিরিক্ত অ্যাটর্নি জেনারেল এম কে রহমান।

হাইকোর্ট গত ২০ জানুয়ারি এক আদেশে লরেন্স লিফশুলজকে ২৬ জানুয়ারির মধ্যে আদালতে উপস্থিত হয়ে কর্নেল তাহেরের বিচার সম্পর্কে তাঁর অভিজ্ঞতা বর্ণনা করার অনুরোধ জানিয়েছিলেন। আদালতের এ অনুরোধ রাষ্ট্রপক্ষ ই-মেইলের মাধ্যমে লিফশুলজকে জানান। কিন্তু তাঁর ছেলে মারাÍক দুর্ঘটনার শিকার হওয়ায় তিনি এ সময় বাংলাদেশে আসতে অপারগতা প্রকাশ করেন। তবে তাঁর বক্তব্য হলফনামা আকারে বাংলাদেশের দূতাবাসে দাখিল করেছেন। একই বক্তব্য ই-মেইলে এম কে রহমানের কাছে পাঠিয়েছেন। ই-মেইলে পাঠানো এ বক্তব্যই গতকাল আদালতে উপস্থাপন করা হয়।

কর্নেল তাহেরকে ফাঁসি দেওয়ার পর তাঁর বিচার নিয়ে লিফশুলজের তিনটি প্রতিবেদন ১৯৭৬ সালের ২৩ ও ২৪ জুলাই ডেইলি স্টার প্রকাশ করে। লিফশুলজ ১৯৭৬ সালে কর্নেল তাহেরের বিচার পর্যবেক্ষণ এবং এ-সংক্রান্ত প্রতিবেদন তৈরির জন্য ঢাকায় অবস্থান করছিলেন। কর্নেল তাহেরের গোপন বিচার সম্পর্কে আগে থেকেই মেজর জেনারেল মঞ্জুরের কাছ থেকে তিনি জানতে পেরেছিলেন। মঞ্জুর তাঁকে এই বিচার বিষয়ে বিদেশি সংবাদমাধ্যমে প্রতিবেদন প্রকাশের অনুরোধ করেন। কিন্তু তৎকালীন সামরিক কর্মকর্তারা তাঁকে বিচারের সংবাদ সংগ্রহ করতে দেননি। তাঁকে কারাগারের সামনে থেকে আটক করে বাংলাদেশ থেকে বের করে দেওয়া হয়। আর এ কারণেই আদালত লিফশুলজের বক্তব্য শুনতে চান। ওই তিনটি প্রতিবেদন তাঁর বক্তব্যের সঙ্গে অন্তর্ভুক্ত করা হয়েছে।

এদিকে কর্নেল তাহেরের বিচারের সময় সেনাবাহিনীতে কর্মরত মেজর জেনারেল নূরুল ইসলাম শিশুকে আদালতে হাজির হওয়ার সময়সীমা ১৩ ফেব্র“য়ারি পর্যন্ত বাড়িয়েছেন আদালত। লিফশুলজ আরো জানিয়েছেন, তাহেরের বিচার ও ফাঁসি ঠেকাতে চেষ্টা করেও সফল হননি জেনারেল মঞ্জুর। সব আইন-কানুন ও বাংলাদেশের সংবিধান লঙ্ঘন করে তাঁকে ওই বিচারের মুখোমুখি করা হয়। এ বিষয় নিয়ে তিনি জিয়াউর রহমানের একটি সাক্ষাৎকার নিতে চেয়েছিলেন। কিন্তু জিয়া তাতে রাজি হননি। লিফশুলজ আরো বলেন, ‘আমার অভিমত, ১৯৭৬ সালের জুন ও জুলাই মাসে ঢাকায় একটি হƒদয়বিদারক অপরাধ (ট্র্যাজিক ক্রাইম) ঘটানো হয়েছিল। আমিই ছিলাম এ ঘটনার একমাত্র নিরপেক্ষ সাক্ষী।’ তিনি বলেন, ১৯৭৬ সালের ২৮ জুন ঢাকা কেন্দ্রীয় কারাগারের সামনে দাঁড়িয়ে প্রত্যক্ষ করেছি। তাহেরের বিচারকে কেন্দ্র করে সেখানে একটি যুদ্ধাবস্থা বিরাজ করছিল। দেখে মনে হয়েছিল, যেন সেনাবাহিনী যুদ্ধের প্রস্তুতি নিচ্ছে। কারাগারের দেয়াল ঘেঁষে মেশিনগান বসানো হয়।

তিনি বলেন, ‘১৯৭৬ সালের জুনের প্রথম দিকে কাঠমান্ডু থেকে ঢাকায় আসি আমি। এর আগে ১৯৭৫ সালের আগস্টে বাংলাদেশে শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের হত্যাকাণ্ডের মতো হƒদয়বিদারক ঘটনা সম্পর্কে প্রতিবেদন তৈরি করেছি। একই বছরের ৭ নভেম্বরের ঘটনা সম্পর্কেও রিপোর্ট করেছি।’

লিফশুলজ আরো বলেন, ‘আমি ঢাকায় নেমে মেজর জেনারেল মঞ্জুরের সঙ্গে যোগাযোগ করি। মঞ্জুর একসময় সেনাবাহিনীর চিফ অব জেনারেল স্টাফ ছিলেন। এর আগে ১৯৭৪ সালে তাঁর সঙ্গে নয়াদিল্লিতে পরিচয়। তখন মঞ্জুর বাংলাদেশ সেনাবাহিনীর হয়ে ভারতে দায়িত্বরত ছিলেন। তাঁর কাছ থেকে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের অভিজ্ঞতা শুনেছি। তিনি, কর্নেল তাহের ও মেজর জিয়াউদ্দিন একসঙ্গে পাকিস্তান থেকে কাশ্মীর সীমান্ত দিয়ে ভারতে পালিয়ে এসে মুক্তিযুদ্ধে অংশ নেন। কর্নেল তাহের মুক্তিযুদ্ধে সেক্টর কমান্ডার ছিলেন। রিভিউর বাংলাদেশ প্রতিনিধি হিসেবে দায়িত্ব পালন করার কারণে বাংলাদেশের অনেক সামরিক ও রাজনৈতিক ব্যক্তির সঙ্গে আমার আগে থেকেই জানাশোনা ছিল।’ তিনি বলেন, ‘ঢাকায় আসার কথা শুনে মঞ্জুর খুব খুশি হয়েছিলেন। তিনি আমাকে একদিন সেনাসদরে ডাকলেন। এক রাতে তাঁর সঙ্গে সাক্ষাৎ হয়। সে সময় তিনি (মঞ্জুর) আমাকে কর্নেল তাহেরের গোপন বিচার সম্পর্কে তথ্য দেন এবং এ নিয়ে আন্তর্জাতিক সংবাদমাধ্যমে রিপোর্ট করার অনুরোধ জানান। ওই সময় মুক্তিযুদ্ধবিরোধী শক্তি সেনাবাহিনীতে প্রভাব বিস্তার করছিল।’ লিফশুলজ বলেন, ‘আমি জেনারেল জিয়ার একটি সাক্ষাৎকার নেওয়ার চেষ্টা করি। এ জন্য তাঁর ব্যক্তিগত কর্মকর্তা আমাকে প্রশ্নের তালিকা তৈরি করতে বলেন। আমি তালিকা করি। সেখানে ফারাক্কা সমস্যাসহ ভারত ও বাংলাদেশের মধ্যে বিদ্যমান বিভিন্ন সমস্যা সম্পর্কে প্রশ্ন ছিল। ১৯৭৫ সালের ৭ নভেম্বর সম্পর্কেও প্রশ্ন লিখি। সেখানে লিখি কর্নেল তাহেরের নেতৃত্বে আপনার জীবন রক্ষা করা হয়েছিল। কেন তাহেরকে গ্রেপ্তার করা হলো, কেন তাঁকে মুক্তি দেওয়া হচ্ছে না, কেন তাঁকে আটক রাখা হয়েছে? এসব প্রশ্ন লিখি। কিন্তু আমাকে সাক্ষাৎকার দেওয়া হলো না। এতে আমি আশ্চর্য হইনি। কারণ ওই জেনারেলের অন্য পরিকল্পনা ছিল।’

লিফশুলজ আরো বলেন, ‘আমি ইংল্যান্ডের ক্যাম্ব্রিজে বসবাস করছিলাম। তখন মঞ্জুর আমাকে বলেছিলেন, তিনি তাহেরের বিচার বন্ধ করার চেষ্টা করেছিলেন। কিন্তু সেনাবাহিনীর তৃতীয় ব্যক্তি হওয়ার পরও তখন তিনি ছিলেন ক্ষমতাহীন।

সামরিক আদালতে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের অন্যতম সেক্টর কমান্ডার কর্নেল (অব.) তাহের এবং তাঁর সঙ্গীদের বিচারের বৈধতা চ্যালেঞ্জ করে দাখিল করা পৃথক চারটি রিট মামলা বিচারাধীন। এরই মধ্যে এ মামলায় হাসানুল হক ইনু এমপি, মেজর (অব.) জিয়াউদ্দিন, ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের শিক্ষক সমিতির সভাপতি অধ্যাপক মো. আনোয়ার হোসেন, তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারের সাবেক উপদেষ্টা ড. এ এম এম শওকত আলী, সাবেক আওয়ামী লীগ নেতা মাহমুদুর রহমান মান্না, জাসদ নেতা বদরুল আলমের বক্তব্য গ্রহণ করেছেন আদালত।

কর্নেল তাহেরের স্ত্রী লুৎফা তাহের, অধ্যাপক মো. আনোয়ার হোসেন ও একই বিচারে যাবজ্জীবন সাজাপ্রাপ্ত তাঁর আরেক ভাই প্রয়াত ফ্লাইট সার্জেন্ট আবু ইউসুফ খানের স্ত্রী ফাতেমা ইউসুফ, জাসদ নেতা হাসানুল হক ইনু ও রবিউল আলম ও মেজর (অব.) জিয়াউদ্দিনসহ ৯ জন চারটি রিট আবেদন করেন। তাহেরের বিচারের বৈধতা নিয়ে প্রথম রিট আবেদনের পর গোপন বিচারের নথি তলব করেন হাইকোর্ট। একই সঙ্গে তাহেরের বিচারের জন্য সামরিক আইনের মাধ্যমে জারি করা আদেশ এবং এর আওতায় গোপন বিচার ও ফাঁসি কার্যকর করাকে কেন অসাংবিধানিক ঘোষণা করা হবে নাÑতা জানাতে সরকারকে নির্দেশ দেওয়া হয়। কিন্তু সরকার বিচারের কোনো নথি আদালতে দাখিল করতে পারেনি। ১৯৭৬ সালে সামরিক আদালতে কর্নেল তাহের, হাসানুল হক ইনু এমপির সঙ্গে মেজর (অব.) জিয়াউদ্দিনসহ অপরাপর ব্যক্তিদের বিচার করা হয়। কর্নেল তাহেরসহ ১৭ জনকে সামরিক আদালতের গোপন বিচারে ১৯৭৬ সালের ১৭ জুলাই সাজা দেওয়া হয়। এরপর ২১ জুলাই ভোররাতে তাঁর ফাঁসি কার্যকর করা হয়। রিটে ১৯৭৬ সালের ১৬ নম্বর সামরিক ফরমানের আওতায় আদালত গঠন ও বিচারকে অবৈধ ও অসাংবিধানিক ঘোষণা, দণ্ড বাতিল ও তাঁদের হারিয়ে যাওয়া সামাজিক মর্যাদা ফিরে পাওয়ার আবেদন জানানো হয়।

Genocide Bangalee Collaborators and War Criminals:

Genocide Bangalee Collaborators and War Criminals:

During the liberation war of 1971, Pakistani occupation army led by General Yahiya Khan and his colleagues in collaboration with the anti liberation forces (Jamat, Muslim League, and other religious political parties) of Bangladesh killed a total of 3 million unarmed Bengalis, molested and raped about 450,000 Bengali women and, on the eve of the independence, murdered hundreds of leading intellectuals to spiritually cripple the nation. A crime far exceeds, in its atrocity and inhumanity, the crimes of Hitler, Melosovitch, the nazis and the fascists.never excuse them:MUKTHI

Razakars:Central Shanti CommitteeName Where NowKhaza Khayer Uddin Pakistan Muslim League leaderA.Q.M. Shafiqul Islam Advocate, Lahore Highr Court, has business in BangladeshGulam Azam Amir, Jamat-i-Islami, BangladeshMewlana Syed Muhammed Masum Central Majlish-i-Surah member, Ittehadul UmmahAbdul Jabbar Kaddar Natural death after libera tionMahmud Ali Minister, Pakistan Gov'tM.A.K. Rafiqul Islam unknownYusuf Ali Chowdhury(Mohon Miah) Natural death during liberation warAbul Kashem Natural death after liberationGulam Sarwar Jamat's croney, Dawat-ul-Islam leader in LondonSyed Azizul Haque(Nanna Miah) Center Leader, Ershad's Jatiya PartyA.S.M. Sulayman President, Bangladesh Krishak Sromik PartyPir Muhsen Uddin(Dudu Miah) Vice-President, Bangladesh Democratic LeagueShafiqur Rahman Chairman, Democratic Islamic LeagueMajor(ret.) Afsar Uddin Ex President candidate, President: Democratic PartySyed Muhsen Ali Industrialist, ex president of Dhaka Stock Exchange, ex director: IFIC BankFazlul Kader Chowdhury Natural death after liberationMuhammed Siraj Uddin Industrailist, Dhaka City Muslim League presidentAdvocate A.T. Saadi Retired advocate, Bangladesh Supreme CourtAdvocate Ataul haque Khan Vice President, Bangladesh Muslim LeagueMakbulur Rahman IndustrialistAlhaj Muhammed Akil President, Bangladesh Nejame Islami PartyPrincipal Ruhul Kuddus Central Member, Bangladesh Jamat-i-IslamiNurujjaman Industrialist, Director: Islamic Development BankMewlana Miah Fazlul Haque Central Surah Member, Bangladesh Ittehadul UmmahAdvocate Abu Sakek Senior Advocate, Bangladesh Supreme CourtAdvocate Abdun Naeem Natural death after liberationMewlana Siddik Ahmed Central Surah Member, Bangladesh Ittehadul UmmahAbdul Matin Secretary General, Bangladesh Muslim LeagueBaristar Akhtar Uddin Lives in Saudi Arabia, Legal consultant: Saudia InternationalTuaha Bin Habib Industrialist, Member: Central Majlish of Bangladesh Khelafat AndalonHakim Irtizaur Rahman Natural death after liberationRaja Tridib Ray Living in Karachi, PakistanFayez Bax President: Nikil Bangladesh Muslim LeagueP.S. 104 members of the Central Shanti Committee could not be found. All of the name above has been per published documents.East Pakistan Shanti CommitteeName Where NowMewlana Farid Uddin, President Whereabouts unkonwn after liberationNurujjaman, General Secretary Ex director: Bangladesh Islamic Foundation Imam Prashikkan CourseMewlana Abdul Mannan Ex Minister: Religious AffairsJulmat Ali Khan Ex Vice President: BNPA.K.M. Mujibul Haque IndustrialistFiroz Ahmed No info availableCabinet of MalekName Where NowAbul Kashem Natural death after liberationNawajesh Ahmed Vice-President: Bangladesh Muslim LeagueA.S.M. Sulayman President, Bangladesh Krishak Sromik PartyObayed Ullah Majumdar Central Sura Member: Bangladesh Khelafat AndolanAbbas Ali Khan Ex Amir: Bangladesh Jamat-i-IslamiMewlana A.K.M. Yusuf Ex Secretary: Bangladesh Jamat-i-IslamiMewlana Ishhak Central Sura Member: Bangladesh Khelafat AndolanShamsul Haque No info availableJasim Uddin Ahmed Natural death after liberationAngshu Pro Chowdhury Ex ministerA.K. Musarraf Hussain Secretary General: Islamic Democratic LeagueMujibur Rahman Head of Bangladesh-Saudi Friendship CommitteeEast Pakistan delegates who met YahiyaName Where NowHamidul Haque Chowdhury Owner, Observer Group of PublicationsMahmud Ali Minister, Pakistan Gov'tDr. Sajjad Hussain Professor: King Abdul Aziz University, Saudi Arabia; now living in BangladeshJustice Nurul Islam Ershad Govt's Vice PresidentKazi Din Muhammed Professor: Bangla Dept, Dhaka UniversityBangalee Members of Pakistani delegates in UNName Where NowShah Azizur Rahman Gen Zia's ex-Vice President, deceased in 1988Julmat Ali Khan Ex Vice President: BNPRazia Fayez Ex Vice President: Bangladesh Muslim LeagueDr. Fatima Sadik RetiredAdvocate A.T. Saadi Retired advocate, Bangladesh Supreme CourtCentral Shanti Committee Liason Office and OfficersName Office1. A.I. Ahmed Sher, lives in Ahsan Manjil2. Saki Sultan, lives in Kosaitola Kutowali Thana1. Alhaj Nizir Hussain, lives in Jagganath Saha Road2. S.M. Habibul Haque, lives in Dhanmodhi3. Nuab Ali Advocate, lives in Central Road Lalbagh Thana1. Alhaj Siraj Uddin, ex-M.P., lives in Rishikesh Dash Lane2. Mahtab Uddin Khan, lives in R.K. Mission Road3. Fayzul Haque, lives in Forash Gonj4. Tomiz Uddin, lives in Jariatoli Lane5. Abdur Rashid, lives in Rothkhola Road Sutrapur Thana1. Iqbal Idris, lives in Indiara Road2. Mahbubur Rahman Gurha, ex-Tejgaoan Ward Commissioner3. M.S.M. Habibul Haque, lives in Dhanmondhi4. Muhammed Nuab Ali, Headmaster: IPH School, Mohakhali Tejgaon Thana1. Layek Ahmed Siddiki, lives in Mirpur Colorni 1 Mirpur Thana1. M.A. Baaker, Chairman: Badshah Faisal Istitute, lives in Muhammodpur colony2. Dr. Oshman, lives in Muhammedpur: A Block3. Syed Muhammed Farook, lives in Kayde Azam Road, Muhammedpur4. Shafikur Rahman, Advocate , lives in Jhigatola5. Abdur Rahim Chowdhury, lives in Dhanmondhi Muhammedpur Thana1. Ataul Haque Khan, Advocate, Vice President, Bangladesh Muslim League, lives in Mogbazar2. G.A. Khan, Advocate, Vice-President: Bangladesh Muslim League3. Professor A. Hashem4. Julmat Ali Khan, Ex Vice President: BNP, Lives in Purana Paltan5. Doctor Muhammed Aiyub Ali, lives in Khilgaon Chowdhury Para6. Advocate A. Wadud Miah, lives in Shantinagar Ramna ThanaShanti and Kollayan Council Information Office and OfficersName OfficeMuhammed Ali Sarkar, Ret. Engineer RampuraMawlovi Idris Ahmed Malibagh, Dhaka2Muhammed Ali Sarkar Stadium Dhaka12 Dhanmohdi, Road 5Mewlana Shah Ismail Ullah Chishti 12, Govinda Dash RoadMowlovi Tashwar Hussain Khan 2 Bashabari LaneMewlana Abdul Majid 66 Patla Khan Lane12 Nabadhip Boshak LaneHaji Muhammed Ishak Urdu RoadRajakar High CommandName Where NowA.S.M. Johurul Haque : Director, Rajakhars Businessman in DhakaMofiz Uddin Bhuiyan : Assistant Director, West Range Businessman in KhulnaM.I. Mridha, Tagmaye Khidmat : Assistant Director, Rajakhars Headquarters No info availableM.A. Hasnat : Assistant Director, Central Range No info availableForid Uddin : Dhaka Town Adjutant Working in Saudi ArabiaP.S. Latrer, Muhammed Yunus(now, Director Islami Bank and Jamat Sura member) was assigned as commander-in-chief, and Mir Kashim Ali(now, Nayeb-e-Amir of Mohanogori Jamat) as head of Chittangong committee. Also, Islami Chattra Shanga's (Now, Islami Chattra Shibir) district presidents were appointed as head of their respective district's Rajakar committee.Al-Bodor High Command(Jamat-i-Islami's Chattra Shongo(now known as Chattra Shibir)'s central committee)Name Where NowMotiur Rahman Nizami: Head of whole Pakistan Assist. Gen. Secretary, Jamat-i-IslamiAli Ahsan Muhammed Mujahid : Head of East Pakistan Amir: Dhaka Mohanogori Jamat and Director of Weekly Sunar BanglaMir Kahem Ali: Chittagong head to start with, later 3rd in rank Dhaka Mohanagari Jamt Nayebe Amir, Director of Rabaat-e-Alaam(Bangladesh) and member, Ibn Sina TrustMuhammed Yunus Jamt Majlish-e-Sura member, Director of Islami Bank, director of Islamic Somaj Kollyan Somiti, President of Muslim Businessmen's SocietyMuhammed Kamrujjaman: Chief Organizor of Bodor Bahini Central Propaganda Secretary of Jamat-i-Islami and Editor of Weekly Sunar BanglaAshraf Hussain: Established Bodor Bahini and head of Mymensingh district Businessman in DhakaMuhammed Shamsul Haque: Head of Dhaka City Member: Majlish-e-Sura, Jamat-i-IslamiMustafa Sawkat Imran: One of the leader of Dhaka city Never found after the liberation warAshrafujjaman Khan: member of Dhaka City High command and 'Chief Executor' (PRODAN JALLAD) of systematic killing of the intellectuals Now, working in Saudi ArabiaA.S.M. Ruhul Kuddus: One of the leader of Dhaka city Member: Majlish-e-Sura, Jamat-i-IslamiSardar Abdus Salam: Head of Dhaka districtKurram Ja Murad International Jamat leader in London, coorinates liason between Jamat in different countriesAbdul Bari: Head of Jamalpur district Businessman in DhakaAbdul Hai Faruki: Head of Rajshahi district Businessman in DubaiAbdul Jaher Muhammed Naser: Head of Chittagong district Saudi Ambassador's personal assistantMatiur Rahmann Khan: Head of Khulna district works in Jeddah, Saudi ArabiaChowdhury Mayeen uddin : 'Operation in-charge' (main killer) of systematic killing of the intellectuals Lives in London and Editor of Jamat's Weekly Dawaat and leader of London-based Jamat-crony, Dawatul IslamNoor Muhammed Mollik: One of the leader of Dhaka city No info availableA.K. Muhammed Ali: One of the leader of Dhaka city No info availableMajharul Islam: Head of Rajshahi district No info availableTikka Khan's Education Reform CommitteeName Where NowDr. Syed Sajjad Hussain, VC: Dhaka University Professor: King Abdul Aziz University, Saudi Arabia; now living in BangladeshDr. Hasan Jaman, Political Science Professor: Dhaka University Died while working at Saudi ArabiaDr. Muhor Ali, History Professor: Dhaka University Works in London, Runs Islamic InstituteA.K.M. Abdul Rahman<> >Math Professor: Dhaka UniversityDr. Abdul Bari, VC: Rajshahi University Chairman: Dhaka University 'Monjuri' Commission, Member of Governing Body: Islamic FoundationDr. Saifuddin Juardar deceasedDr. Mokbul Hussain RetiredCollaborators: Dhaka University Teachers and Employees were given mendatory leave after warName Where NowBegum Akhtar Imam, Provost: Rokya Hall Retired, living in DhakaDr. Kazi Din Muhammed, Bangla Dept Fired by Dhaka University Syndicate, now Professor: Bangla Dept, Dhaka UniversityDr. Muhammed Mustafizur Rahman, Arabic Dept Professor, Dhaka UniversityDr. Fatima Sadik, Arabic Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now RetiredDr. Gulam Wahed Chowdhury, Political Science Dept Owner of Garments factory in DhakaDr. Rashid Ujjaman, Political Science Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now working in USDr. A.K.M. Shahid Ullah, Political Science Dept Professor: Bangla Dept, Dhaka UniversityA.K.M. Jamal Uddin Mustafa, Political Science Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now businessman in DhakaDr.Muhammed Afsar Uddin, Sociology Dept Professor, Dhaka UniversityDr. Mir Fokorujjaman, Psychology Science Dept deceased in 1987Dr. Muhammed Shamsul Haque, Physics Dept Professor: Dhaka UniversityDr. Abdul Jabbar, Pharmacy Dept Professor: Dhaka UniversityDr. Mahbub Uddin Ahmed, Statistics Dept Businessman in LondonMuhammed Obaydullah(known as Askar Ibn Shaaik), Statistics Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now playright for Radio and TV in BangladeshMuhammed Habib Ullah, Education Research Dept Lives in PakistanAdbul kader Miah, Education Research Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownDr. Shafia Khatun, Education Research Dept Professor: Dhaka University, Ershad's ex-ministerLt. Colonel(ret.) Matiur Rahman, Health institute Retired in DhakaAtikujjaman Khan, Journalism Dept was professor: Dhaka University, now deceasedDr. Aftab Ahmed Siddiki, Urdu/Farsi Dept Lives in PakistanFazlul Kader, Urdu/Farsi Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownNurul Momen, Law Department Retired in DhakaDr. S.M. Imam Uddin,Islamic History Dept Lives in PakistanS.D. Dolil Uddin, Care Taker: Dhaka University Works in Dhaka UniversityMuhammed Mahbubul Alam, Botany Dept Lives in PakistanFaizul Jalal uddin, Botany Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownP.S. Many of these collaborator teachers were directly related to the systematic killing of the intellectuals. Their names were mentioned in the infamous diary of the Al-Badar Bahini "Chief Executionar" of intellectuals, Asrafujjaman.Name Where NowNasir Ahmed, Secretary: Education Research Institute wherabouts unknownJohir Khan, Painter of Chief Engineer's Office Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownShah Hahan, Servant of Engineering Office wherabouts unknownMuhammed Mustafa, Servant of Solim Ullah Hall Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownCollaborators: Rajshahi University Teachers were given mendatory leave after warName Where NowDr. Abdul Bari, V.C. Rajshahi University was Chairman of University 'Monjuri' CommissionDr. Gulam Saklayen, Bangla Dept. Reader Now, Professor of Bangla Dept: Rajshshi UniversityAzizul Haque, Bangla Dept. Now, Professor of Bangla Dept: Rajshshi UniversityShiekh Ataur Rahman, Bangla Dept. Now, Professor of Bangla Dept: Rajshshi UniversityAbdur Rahim Juardar, University Register Now, retired in DhakaCollaborators: Rajshahi University Teachers were arrested after warName Where NowMokbul Hussain, Chairman of Commerce Dept. Now, professor of Commerce Dept: Rajshshi UniversityAhmed Muhammed Patel, Chairman of Geography Dept. Now, lives in PakistanSolayman Mondol, Chairman of Economics Dept. Now, professor of Economics Dept: Rajshshi UniversityWasim Bari Baghi, Professor of Psychology Dept. Now, lives in PakistanZillur Rahman, Reader of Law Dept. Now, professor of Law Dept: Rajshshi UniversityKolim A. Sasarami, Professor of Linguistics Dept. Now, professor of Linguistics Dept: Rajshshi UniversityCollaborators: Rajshahi University Teacherswere accused as collaborators and absconded after the warName Where NowAhmed Ullah Khanprofessor of English Dept Now, professor of English Dept: Rajshshi UniversityIbn AhmedOne of the Register Ex Register of Islamic University, KustiaCollaborators: Bureacrats, arrested just after the liberation warName RoleDr. A.M. Malek GovernorAbul Kashem MinisterNowajish Ahmed MinisterAbbas Ali Khan MinisterAkhtar Uddin Ahmed MinisterMuhammed Ishak MinisterJasim Uddin MinisterA.K.M. Yusuf MinisterSolayman MinisterMujaffar Hussain Chief SecretaryN.N. Kazim Home SecretaryS.A. Reza CommissionarM.A.K. Chowdhury IGPM.A.R. Arif Additional IGPDr. M.M. Hasan DIGMujaffar Ahmed DLG SecretaryMufti Masudur Rahman Education SecretaryHumayun Fayez Rasul Information SecretaryHasan Johir Planning Commission memberAslam Iqbal Joint Secretary: InformationCaptain Khaled Ahmed OSD: Home ministryCaptain Aktar Uddin Ahmed OSD: SNGO ministryLt. Commandar A.A. Nasim Joint Secretary: RWORTMuhammed Ashraf ADC: DhakaMohiullah Shah ADC: DhakaS.K. Mahmud SP: ChittagongA. Irfan Ali SP: KhulnaAlman Khalik SP: DhakaAbbas Khan AIGPRana Mushtak SP, Panjab CantonmentS.M. Nawab DIG: PoliceLt. Colonel Gulam Ahmed Chowdhury Deputy Chief EngineerJohurul Haque Deputy Director: RajakarsDoctor A. Baseth Dhaka Medical CollegeCollaborators: Bureacrats, fired(out of 53) after being accused of war crimes and collaborationName/Role WheraboutsM. Wazid Ali Khan, Railway Board chairman Deceased in 1974Muhammed Lutfur Rahman, Jute Board chairman Brought back again as a secretary, now retiredM.G. Dastogir, Deputy Governor of State Bank never came back after 72Anam Ahmed Chowdhury, Joint Secretary of Commerce Brought back again as a secretaryDr. Muhammed Muhtazuddin Miah, Principal Scientific Officer, Neuclear Power Commission Brought back again to work in Neuclear Agricultural InstituteAsrafujjaman Khan, Director: Radio retiredDr. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, Principal of Physics Dept. Dhaka University Brought back again to become professor of ChemistryDr. Abdul Haque, chairman of Jessore Education Board wherabouts unknownDr. Hafez Ahmed, Principal: Dhaka College wherabouts unknownSamsuddin Ahmed, Commissioner: Rajshshi Division wherabouts unknownMuhammed Habibir Rahman, Chief Election Commissioner wherabouts unknownMuhammed Abu Henna, Chief Hydrographer wherabouts unknown<>, Professor: Dhaka Medical College and Hospital wherabouts unknownCollaborators: Bureacrats, arrested after being accused of war crimes and collaboration(partial list)Name/Role WheraboutsRashidul Hasan, Deputy Commissioner: Khulna wherabouts unknownToslim Uddin Ahmed, OSD: Takurga/Dinajpur wherabouts unknownSyed Iqbal Ahmed, Deputy Director: Dhaka Radio wherabouts unknownA.R.M. Fazlur Rahman, Deputy Secretary: Civil Affairs wherabouts unknownGulam Robbani Khan, Deputy Director: Rajshshi Radio wherabouts unknownAbu Shahadat, Regional Director: Dhaka Radio wherabouts unknownSource: Akattorer Ghatak O Dalal-ra: Kay Khutay?Published by Muktizuddha Chetona Bikash Kendra, Dhaka, Bangladesh.Some information may have changed, but relevance of the information from a historic perspective is still important.Last Modified: 09/13/2007 14:18:34Bangladesh Liberation War 1971: GenocidePakistani War CriminalsNEWS FROM BANGLADESH, March 16, 1999Editorial and Commentary:Why should Bangladesh raise the issue of genocide?By - A.H. Jaffor UllahZ.A. Khan's memoirs "The way it was" spilled quite a few names who were involved in gratuitous merciless killings of Bengalis in occupied Bangladesh. The swiftness with which the genocide was carried out by Pakistani Army had no parallel in the annals of mankind. Despite the publicity it generated during the short nine-month period, Bengali leader Sheikh Mujib was almost mum about it. Perhaps Sheikh Mujib thought rebuilding the war-ravaged infrastructure of his nation was more important at the time than finding out among Pakistanis who- did-what in 1971.Perhaps it was a mistake of monumental proportion that the leadership of the newly formed nation never asked for a trial of Pakistani generals and officers who were involved in extermination of three million Bengalis, never mind the rape of a quarter million Bengali women.In 1975, a military general who came to power in Bangladesh through violence never showed any interest whatsoever in this subject matter. To the contrary, this general was alleged to have worked behind the scene establishing a good relationship with his masters from the olden days. After the violent over throw of this general, another Bangladesh General ruled the country with tight iron grip from 1982 through 1991. During his reign too, Bangladesh Genocide was very much considered to be an anathema. As such, the government never did pursue to raise the consciousness about the wanton killings of 1971. Like his predecessor, this cagey general also looked other the way around when question of Bangladesh Genocide was raised by the intelligentsia of the nation.The democracy finally did return to Bangladesh in 1991 and we thought that this time around the question of Bangladesh Genocide would be raised by the Prime Minister. But that did not happen. The Prime Minister was more inclined to forge a close relationship with Pakistan than ask the genocide question to redress the issue of wanton killing by Pakistani army.After a long twenty-one year period Sheikh Mujib's party came into power in Bangladesh through adult franchise and we enthusiastically looked forward to the leadership of Awami League for raising the genocide issue. Mrs. Hasina Wazed, the Prime Minister half-heartedly asked that question to Mr. Nawaz Sharif in 1997. There were some rumblings in Pakistani press, but that was all; no progress was made in the past two years. In February 1999 when Pakistani Prime Minister did visit Dhaka to attend a conference of eight Muslim nations the Prime Minister of Bangladesh did not pose that question to Mr. Sharif, perhaps not to embarrass the Prime Minister. However, there were enough static in Dhaka and elsewhere to demand an apology from Pakistan for Bangladesh Genocide. Some civic organizations in Dhaka were stridently protesting while the leaders of eight Muslim nations met in a close door session.I presume this genocide issue is not going to vanish in the thin air as most Pakistani politicians and military leaders would seem to think. The Internet had so far been proven to be an extremely effective media to educate and disseminate all the Bengalis on the issue of Bangladesh Genocide. Bengalis from both Bangladesh and West Bengal were affected by the gruesome events of 1971. Perhaps the genocide issue will bind the entire Bengali communities all over the world because disproportionately more Hindus suffered in the hands of Pakistani soldiers.Pakistani government should know that Bangladesh Genocide is a touchy issue with all the Bengalis and it is going to stay that way in the foreseeable future till Pakistan offers an apology on behalf of his rogue military.Mrs. Hasina Wazed should come to her senses knowing that Pakistan is not a major trading partner of Bangladesh. Perhaps Bangladesh should put pressure to Pakistan telling them point blank to apologize for gruesome killings of Bengalis in 1971, or else face the consequence. The consequence being cut off diplomatic relations between the two countries. Bangladesh will survive rather well without being cahoots with a pariah nation, which still refuses to come to terms with her past misdeeds.Appendix OneA partial list of Pakistani military officers who committed Genocide in Bangladesh in 1971Here is a list of Pakistani military personnel involved in mass killings in occupied Bangladesh from March 25 through December 16, 1971. This partial list was prepared solely from reading the accounts of Brigadier Z.A. Khan who himself was an accomplice in Pakistan's genocidal military. Brigadier Khan's account was published in News From Bangladesh in early March in seven part series. This ex-military officer of Pakistan wrote in vivid details the untold tales of destruction and subjugation of Bengali nation. The surviving ex- military officers from the list should be brought to justice because they have committed crime against humanity. A few of the generals and most young officers of the day are still alive in Pakistan. They should know that while they had all but forgotten their misdeeds the Bengalis remember them very well. Like holocaust survivor who hunted the Nazis till this day, the Bengalis will also do the same to bring these criminals to justice. South Asia will be a better place for our descendents once these criminals are brought to justice - alive or posthumously.Here is the partial list:The Generals1. General Yahya Khan, military president of Pakistan in 1971. He refused to transfer power to Awami League after the general election of December 10, 1970, when Awami League had won the general election.2. General Abdul Hamid Khan, Chief of Army Staff (CAS), was one of the architects of Bangladesh Genocide. This general, popularly known as General Hamid (or Hameed) was in Dacca before March 26, 1971, working on a military plan to terrorize Bengalis. He also visited occupied Bangladesh several times to see firsthand the progress of the killing machine.3. Lt. General Gul Hassan Khan, Chief of General Staff (CGS), Pakistani Army. Contrary to what he might have said, he was one of the principal architects of Bangladesh Genocide. His very presence in troubled land of Chittagong during the early days of Bengali resistance proves beyond any shadow of doubt that he was an active planner of Bangladesh Genocide.4. Lt. General Tikka Khan, military chief in East Pakistan during March through December 1971. Planner and Chief Executioner of Bangladesh Genocide. He later became Governor of East Pakistan.5. Lt. General A.A. Niazi, Planner and Executioner of Bangladesh Genocide. He joined the occupation force later. His soldiers burned the villages and killed thousands of Bengalis throughout rural Bangladesh6. Lt. General Sahibzada Yaqub Khan.7. Major General Rao Farman, Military Intelligence Chief in East Pakistan during March through December, 1971. Planner and Executioner of Bangladesh Genocide.8. Major General A. O. Mitha. This general was everywhere in occupied Bangladesh causing destruction and death. This person had practically managed the killing machine of Pakistani army in erstwhile East Pakistan. He joined the army high command in Dacca in early March 1971. He was brought from West Pakistan solely for the death and destruction of Bengalis in East Pakistan.9. Major General Khadim Hussain Raja. He suspected Brigadier Mazumdar, a Bengali officer, of siding with Bengalis. He came all the way from west Pakistan to arrest Brigadier Mazumdar. He later became chief of Chittagong operation for Pak Army.10. Major General Akbar, Director General, ISI. He helped Pak Army carry out the Genocide by providing intelligence data. Major General M. Rahim Khan took control 14 Division and replaced Major General Khadim Hussain Raja. His forces were responsible for all the killings done in Mymensing-Dacca-Jessore area. This general was a first rate executioner of Bangla Genocide. He was responsible for atrocities committed along the Dacca-Bhairav Bazaar Railway line.11. Major General Rahim Khan, Commander of 14 Division, was stationed in Dacca. His officers and soldiers were very much involved in Army-led Bangladesh Genocide. In June 1971, he was transferred from being the Divisional Chief of 14 Division to Martial law Headquarters in Dacca.The Officers1. Brigadier Ghulam Jilani Khan, Chief of Staff (COS) of Eastern Command. He was an active person and was a part of planner of Bangladesh Genocide. He was a key person who knew every bit detail of the plan to exterminate Bengalis in the occupied land. During liberation period (in June 1971) he was promoted to the rank of Major General and was given the position of Director General, ISI in West Pakistan.2. Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab (later become Lt. General in Pakistan) aided the abduction of Sheikh Mujib.3. Brigadier Iqbal Shafi, 53rd Brigade assaulted Bengalis in the Feni area. Later he moved to Chittagong area to help crush Bengali resistance.4. Brigadier Asghar Hussain, 205 Brigade, was active in Chittagong area.5. Brigadier Hesky Baig was very active in the Chittagong Port Area.6. Brigadier Sherullah Beg was the Commander of Special Service Group and was stationed in Dacca.7. Brigadier Ghulam Muhammad took over the command of Special Service Group from Brigadier Sherullah Beg sometime in May 1971.8. Brigadier N.A. Hussain was the Chief of 27 Brigade in Mymensingh. All killings in that part of occupied land including Madhupur Garh was done by his soldiers.9. Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan (later become Brigadier in Pakistan) was very active in Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts Area. He was the Commander of 3 Commando Battalion in Rangamati under Division 14.10. Lt. Colonel Yakub Malik, Commanding Officer 53 Field Regiment Artillery, was very active in Comilla area.11. Lt. Colonel A.H. Fatmi, Commanding Officer of 20 Baluch12. Lt. Colonel Rathore of Signal Corps was active in Chittagong city area.13. Lt. Colonel Shakur Jan was very active in Bhairav Bazaar area. He took active part in landing Pak army to Ashuganj side of Bhairav Bazaar railway bridge.14. Lt. Colonel S.M. Naeem, Commanding Officer 39 Baluch Command, was very active in Brahamanbaria in late May 1971.15. Lt. Colonel Jaffar Hussain visited occupied Bangladesh from Rawalpindi in June 1971. He was with Major General Mitha while visiting Dacca. He toured all over occupied land with the Major General.16. Lt. Colonel Abdur Rehman (later was promoted to Brigadier in Pakistan) was the GSO 1 (Training) at eastern Command in Dhaka.17. Lt. Colonel Iqbal Nazir Waraich came in June/July 1971 to take charge of 3 Commando Battalion in Rangamati.18. Lt. Colonel Hanif Malik became the Commander of 2 Battalion in June/July 1971.19. Colonel S. D. Ahmad. This person worked at the Martial Law Headquarters, Dacca at the time of crisis in March, 26, 1971. He was one of the executioners of Bangladesh genocide. He was involved in planning the abduction of Sheikh Mujib by the Pak military.20. Colonel Akbar (later become Brigadier in Pakistan) was the GS of Eastern Command in Dacca.21. Colonel Shigri, Officiating Commandant of the East Bengal Center in Chittagong22. Major Shujauddin Butt was a part of Baluch Regiment but worked in Martial law Headquarters. At this headquarters dissident Bengalis picked up from all parts of Dacca were brought in. Most Bengalis never did come alive once brought to this place for questioning.23. Major Bilal, Jangju Company, Pak Army, aided in planning Sheikh Mujib's abduction. Also, he took part in disarming 4 east Bengal Regiment.24. Major Sultan (later become Lt. Colonel). He was the brigade major in Comilla.25. Major Salman Ahmad, Ebrahim Company Commander. He was very familiar with the Headquarters of East Pakistan Rifles. He helped Pak Army to raid E.P. Rifles Headquarters.26. Major Mohammad Iqbal (later become Brigadier in Pakistan), Ghazi Company Commander, was active in the Chittagong area.27. Major Anees, 20 Baluch and 24 FF, was in Chittagong city.28. Major Hedayet Ullah Jan, commander of 2 Commando battalion, was very active in Rangamati. He was aiding Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan in Hill Tracts area to go after East Pakistan Riflemen who sided with Mukti Bahini.29. Major Salman, 3 Commando Battalion, worked in the Chittagong area as an intelligence gathering agent for Pak Army.30. Major Tariq Mahmood who later became Brigadier in Pakistan was Officer in Command, Parachute Training School, Dacca. He helped with aerial mobilization of Pak Army all across the occupied Bangladesh.31. Major Beg, Ordnance Corps, was stationed in Chittagong.32. Major Nadir was originally with Ordnance Corps but later transferred to the command of Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan in Chittagong Hill Tracts. He was kept in Dacca by his supervisor, Lt. Col. Khan.33. Captain Humayun. He also aided in planning Sheikh Mujib's abduction.34. Captain Saeed, aided in the abduction of Sheikh Mujib.35. Captain Sajjad Akbar of Hamza Company, stationed in Commilla.36. Captain Kayani, 20 Baluch line, worked in Saeedpur-Bogra area.37. Captain Zaidi (later become Brigadier in Pakistan), 2 Company Commando, also raided E.P. Rifles Headquarters.38. Captain Parvez (later become Lt. Colonel in Pakistan), 2 Commando Battalion, was active in Chittagong area.39. Captain Zahid (later become Brigadier in Pakistan), the GSO 3 of 53 Brigade in Rangamati.40. Captain Munir worked with Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan in Rangamati.41. Lieutenant Haider of Hamza Company, Commilla.42. Lt. Commander Akhtar (later became Captain) who secured Patenga Airport from E.P. RiflesNon-Commissioned Officers:1. Havaldar Major Khan Wazir. He was a member of a team to abduct Sheikh Mujib. He also physically assaulted Sheikh Mujib.2. Subedar Ramzan was active in Kaptai Area.3. Subedar Ramzan aided Captain Munir in Rangamati.4. Subedar Major Zardad Khan was a part of 2 Commando Battalion stationed in Dacca.Air Force Officers1. Squadron Leader Abdul Munim Khan. This officer ran C-130 transport plane all across East Pakistan transporting Pakistani soldiers and food items.2. Squadron Leader Shuaib Alam was Security in charge of Air Observer Unit, Tejgaon Airport.Navy Officers1. Commodore R.A. Mumtaz, stationed at Chittagong was the chief of navy in East Pakistan. Pakistan Navy aided the Army in the field of intelligence gathering, interrogating suspected Bengali freedom fighter.2. Commander Tariq Kamal Khan (later he became Admiral and Chief of Naval Staff, Pakistan Navy) was stationed at Chittagong. He was the commander of PNS Jehangir, the destroyer. He helped the military with communication gears and firing at E.P. Rifle headquarters to crush Bengali resistance in Chittagong area.3. Lt. Commander Shamoon Alam Khan was also working for ISI. He also helped Pak Army to recapture Rangamati.The above list was prepared from the memoirs "The way it was" written by Brigadier Z.A. Khan of Pakistani Army. As a commander of a Commando Force, Brigadier Z.A. Khan was very active in the systematic extermination of Bengalis all over occupied Bangladesh in 1971.Source: This article reprinted from NEWS FROM BANGLADESH of March 16, 1999 for wider dissemination.

On 1971-03-25, after beginning the Bangladesh Liberation War, Pakistani military forces required military support from Bengali supporters who still wants to live with Pakistan as well as the non-Bengali muhajirs in order to abolish the independence fighters of Bangladesh, the Mukti Bahini, Hemayet Bahini and Kaderiya Bahini. The Al Badar were formed to detect these independence fighters and to have guides as well as co-fighters who were familiar with the local terrain.

The force was composed of madrasa students-teachers, Bengali supporters of Muslim League and Jamaat E Islami, and muhajirs coming from non-Bengali part of India.

There were three type of Paramilitry forces Pakistan formed,

1. Razakars: refuges who were came from other parts of India during separation of India and Pakistan, and setteled in East PAkistan.

2. Al-Badar: Bengali Muslim Students from Colleges, universities and madrasah, who were loyal to Jamat-e-islami.

3. Al-Shams: Bengali Madrasah Students, teachers & supporters of islamic parties other than Jamat-E-Islami (these smaller parties included Nejam-e-Islami and various factions of Muslim League).

Al-Badar was very organized para military force among those three forces, they had their own hirarchy of organization & reporting system.